Planned Parenthood is preparing a seven-figure campaign blitz to oust GOP incumbents from California congressional seats, part of a larger national effort by the reproductive rights group to prevent a Republican majority from passing abortion restrictions, including a national ban.

Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California is targeting eight districts where voters largely backed Republicans in 2022 even as they endorsed a constitutional amendment enshrining access to abortion and contraceptives. The advertising plan goes negative by focusing on each incumbent’s record of voting against access to abortion and contraceptives. In the past, the group riffed on the “Burn Book” from the 2004 comedy “Mean Girls.”

GOP party officials said they were confident voters in those districts would look at the bigger picture and return Republicans to office. And one incumbent dismissed the notion that there’s a threat to reproductive care in the Golden State.

“Access to abortion and other reproductive care aren’t going anywhere in California,” said Calvin Moore, a spokesperson for Rep. Ken Calvert of Riverside County. “Congressman Calvert believes this is a deeply personal issue that should be left up to the states and opposes a national abortion ban.”

With 52 seats, liberal California could tip the scales for control of the U.S. House this fall. But Planned Parenthood has its work cut out for it since seven of the seats it is targeting are currently held by Republicans and only one — to be vacated by Democrat Katie Porter after an unsuccessful bid for U.S. Senate — is open.

According to The Cook Political Report, four are toss-up races; Rep. Michelle Steel’s district, mostly in Orange County, leans Republican; and Reps. Kevin Kiley, who represents a district along California’s eastern border, and Young Kim, who represents a district east of Anaheim, are likely to win.

Abortion has proved to be a bigger issue for many voters than political analysts may have anticipated. “In many of these seats, I think voters care about their reproductive freedoms and they resonate with our message, so we think we’re going to win,” said Jodi Hicks, CEO and president of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California.

While Planned Parenthood is focused on House races, Hicks said it is also monitoring neighboring states. One California branch, Planned Parenthood Mar Monte, stretches into Reno, Nevada, and its advocacy arm has been supporting a Nevada ballot initiative that would constitutionally protect Nevadans’ right to abortion.

Nationally, the group plans to spend $40 million in at least eight states: Arizona, Georgia, Montana, New Hampshire, New York, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.

In California, Planned Parenthood aims to highlight the record of members of Congress like Kiley, who voted to potentially impose prison sentences on doctors who provide abortions. Calvert, Kim, Steel and Reps. Mike Garcia, of northern Los Angeles County, and David Valadao, of the Central Valley, voted against access to birth control. And Garcia, Valadao and Steel co-sponsored a bill to effectively ban abortions nationwide.

Assembly Republican leader James Gallagher, who is on the California Republican Party board, said many Californians don’t trust Democrats to protect their health care rights even if political leaders support abortion being legal, pointing out that under Democrats maternity wards have closed and hospitals have filed for bankruptcy.

“Democrats don’t really have a great record in California right now on women’s health care issues,” Gallagher said. “So I think it just rings a little bit hollow.”

According to a February KFF poll on abortion as a 2024 election issue, about half of Republican voters who support it being legal trust their own party more on the issue, while 8% trust the Democratic Party more. One in three said they don’t trust either political party on the issue.

Ivy Cargile, an associate professor of political science at California State University, Bakersfield, said it may be tricky to galvanize voters on the issue since many Californians are confident their reproductive rights are protected in the deep-blue state. “Voters might be thinking that California is so progressive, so reproductive rights are safe,” Cargile said. “But federal law does trump state law.”

Planned Parenthood will impress upon Central Valley and Southern California voters that remaining loyal to Republicans risks a national abortion ban. A large part of its advertising campaign will focus on connecting the dots for voters, arguing support for reproductive rights requires voting for Democratic candidates.

“California is so pivotal to ensure that we’re winning at the national level,” Hicks said.

Gallagher said the GOP’s focus on inflation and public safety will resonate with voters in California’s more conservative districts. He and Calvert predict the races will mirror what happened in 2022: Though voters backed the constitutional amendment for reproductive rights, they supported incumbent Republicans, even those who were anti-abortion.

KFF Health News spoke to six voters in Garcia’s district who say they support access to abortion but typically vote for Republican candidates. All six planned to vote for Garcia’s reelection.

Rose Large of Santa Clarita said that while she supports abortion rights, she has deeper concerns with Democratic Party leadership on issues such as the economy and border control. Others mentioned fears of rising crime and wanting to protect Second Amendment rights.

Asked if she believed Planned Parenthood’s campaign would sway her or voters in her neighborhood, Large replied, “Personally, I don’t. No.”

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. KFF Health News is the publisher of California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.

Robert Towne, the Oscar-winning screenplay writer of “Shampoo,” “The Last Detail” and other acclaimed films whose work on “Chinatown” became a model of the art form and helped define the jaded allure of his native Los Angeles, has died. He was 89.

Towne “passed away peacefully surrounded by his loving family” Monday at his home in Los Angeles, his publicist Carri McClure, told CBS News in a statement. She did not provide a cause of death.

In an industry which gave birth to rueful jokes about the writer’s status, Towne for a time held prestige comparable to the actors and directors he worked with. Through his friendships with two of the biggest stars of the 1960s and ’70s, Warren Beatty and Jack Nicholson, he wrote or co-wrote some of the signature films of an era when artists held an unusual level of creative control. The rare “auteur” among screen writers, Towne managed to bring a highly personal and influential vision of Los Angeles onto the screen.

“It’s a city that’s so illusory,” Towne told The Associated Press in a 2006 interview. “It’s the westernmost west of America. It’s a sort of place of last resort. It’s a place where, in a word, people go to make their dreams come true. And they’re forever disappointed.”

Recognizable around Hollywood for his high forehead and full beard, Towne won an Academy Award for “Chinatown” and was nominated three other times, for “The Last Detail,” “Shampoo” and “Greystoke.” In 1997, he received a lifetime achievement award from the Writers Guild of America.

“His life, like the characters he created, was incisive, iconoclastic and entirely (original),” said “Shampoo” actor Lee Grant on X.

Towne was born Robert Bertram Schwartz in Los Angeles and moved to San Pedro after his father’s business, a dress shop, closed down because of the Great Depression. His father changed the family name to Towne.

Towne’s success came after a long stretch of working in television, including “The Man from U.N.C.L.E” and “The Lloyd Bridges Show,” and on low-budget movies for “B” producer Roger Corman. In a classic show business story, he owed his breakthrough in part to his psychiatrist, through whom he met Beatty, a fellow patient. As Beatty worked on “Bonnie and Clyde,” he brought in Towne for revisions of the Robert Benton-David Newman script and had him on the set while the movie was filmed in Texas.

Towne’s contributions were uncredited for “Bonnie and Clyde,” the landmark crime film released in 1967, and for years he was a favorite ghost writer. He helped out on “The Godfather,” “The Parallax View” and “Heaven Can Wait” among others and referred to himself as a “relief pitcher who could come in for an inning, not pitch the whole game.” But Towne was credited by name for Nicholson’s macho “The Last Detail” and Beatty’s sex comedy “Shampoo” and was immortalized by “Chinatown,” the 1974 thriller set during the Great Depression.

“Chinatown” was directed by Roman Polanski and starred Nicholson as J.J. “Jake” Gittes, a private detective asked to follow the husband of Evelyn Mulwray (played by Faye Dunaway). The husband is chief engineer of the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power and Gittes finds himself caught in a chaotic spiral of corruption and violence, embodied by Evelyn’s ruthless father, Noah Cross (John Huston).

Influenced by the fiction of Raymond Chandler, Towne resurrected the menace and mood of a classic Los Angeles film noir, but cast Gittes’ labyrinthine odyssey across a grander and more insidious portrait of Southern California. Clues accumulate into a timeless detective tale, and lead helplessly to tragedy, summed up by one of the most repeated lines in movie history, words of grim fatalism a devastated Gittes receives from his partner Lawrence Walsh (Joe Mantell): “Forget it, Jake, it’s Chinatown.”

The back story of “Chinatown” has itself become a kind of detective story, explored in producer Robert Evans’ memoir, “The Kid Stays in the Picture”; in Peter Biskind’s “East Riders, Raging Bulls,” a history of 1960s-1970s Hollywood, and in Sam Wasson’s “The Big Goodbye,” dedicated entirely to “Chinatown.” In “The Big Goodbye,” published in 2020, Wasson alleged that Towne was helped extensively by a ghost writer — former college roommate Edward Taylor. According to “The Big Goodbye,” for which Towne declined to be interviewed, Taylor did not ask for credit on the film because his “friendship with Robert” mattered more.

The studios assumed more power after the mid-1970s and Towne’s standing declined. His own efforts at directing, including “Personal Best” and “Tequila Sunrise,” had mixed results. “The Two Jakes,” the long-awaited sequel to “Chinatown,” was a commercial and critical disappointment when released in 1990 and led to a temporary estrangement between Towne and Nicholson.

Around the same time, he agreed to work on a movie far removed from the art-house aspirations of the ’70s, the Don Simpson-Jerry Bruckheimer production “Days of Thunder,” starring Tom Cruise as a race car driver and Robert Duvall as his crew chief. The 1990 movie was famously over budget and mostly panned, although its admirers include Quentin Tarantino and countless racing fans. And Towne’s script popularized an expression used by Duvall after Cruise complains another car slammed him: “He didn’t slam into you, he didn’t bump you, he didn’t nudge you. He rubbed you.

“And rubbin,′ son, is racin.'”

Towne later worked with Cruise on “The Firm” and the first two “Mission: Impossible” movies. His most recent film was “Ask the Dust,” a Los Angeles story he wrote and directed that came out in 2006. Towne was married twice, the second time to Luisa Gaule, and had two children. His brother, Roger Towne, also wrote screenplays, his credits include “The Natural.”